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Around the world, many longstanding democracies have begun to wither, crumbling under the slow yet advancing spread of authoritarian populism. In a recent talk at the Carr Center, Senior Fellow Luís Roberto Barroso, President of the Brazilian Supreme Court, explored the foundations of basic democracy in the shadow of rising authoritarian populism, the numerous causes of the global push towards populism, and its potentially devastating consequences.

Democracy in the 20th Century

The winning political ideology of the 20th century—constitutional democracy—prevailed over all other alternatives, from communism, fascism, and nationalism to military regimes and religious fundamentalism. “Constitutional democracy is a concept that contains two sides of the same coin. One side is popular sovereignty: free and fair elections and the rule of the majority. On the other side, you have limited power, the rule of law, and a protection of fundamental rights. Most constitutional democracies around the world have in their institutional arrangement a Supreme Court that arbitrates the tensions that appear between those two sides of the coin,” said Justice Barroso. Democratic rule has survived for decades, reaching into many corners of the world.

“In most cases, authoritarian populism bears the mark of personalistic and charismatic leaders that manipulate the fears, the needs, and the desires of the population, often promising simple and mistaken solutions for complex problems.”

Yet, as we move further into the 21st century, we are now witnessing an authoritarian, anti-pluralist, and anti-institutional wave that poses serious risks to the hard-won constitutional democracies of the 20th century. This wave is now known to us as authoritarian populism. “In most cases, authoritarian populism bears the mark of personalistic and charismatic leaders that manipulate the fears, the needs, and the desires of the population, often promising simple and mistaken solutions for complex problems,” said Justice Barroso. As history has shown us, populism has the capacity to be right-wing or left-wing. Yet, the main risks today come from far-right populism and its division of society into “Us vs. Them.” “‘Us’ would represent the pure, decent, conservative people, and ‘Them’ represents the cosmopolitan, the corrupt, and the liberal elites,” elaborated Justice Barroso.

The Causes of the Global Rise of Authoritarian Populism

Something, Justice Barroso suggests, seems to have gone wrong recently in various parts of the world. What we see now in numerous countries has been given many names: “democratic recession,” “democratic backsliding,” “illiberal democracy,” and “autocratic legalism,” among others. But unlike in the past, the erosion of democracy today does not come via military coup d’état—rather, it comes by elected political leaders who, once in power, begin to progressively deconstruct the pillars our democracies. “We have seen this advance of authoritarian populism in countries like France, the U.K., Germany, and others. At the outset, this was linked to the dysfunctions of democracy: democracy in many parts of the world has failed to deliver its promises of prosperity and equal opportunities for everyone. Now, authoritarian populism flows through these failures of democracy,” said Justice Barroso.

“Democracy is not delivering enough satisfaction where its representation of the people is concerned.”

According to him, the political causes of the rise in authoritarian populism begin with a deficit of representation in the electoral systems. Today, members of the general public do not feel that they have relevance or a voice in the electoral system—a notion that is being felt across nations. In the United States, much of this dispiritedness is reflected in doubts and criticisms of the Electoral College. “I travel a lot for academic reasons, and no matter where you go, no one is satisfied with their electoral system,” said Justice Barroso. “Democracy is not delivering enough satisfaction where its representation of the people is concerned.” This erosive view of democracy is often coupled with a growing negativity in the overall popular perception of politics and politicians: the belief that politics revolve more around the interests of politicians themselves rather than the interests of the society as a whole.

Socio-economic issues have also contributed to the rise of authoritarian populism: the persistence of poverty worldwide, the relative increase in inequality, and social stagnation that has led to a general lack of upward mobility, he explained. “Globalization and the knowledge economy have negatively impacted many segments of the society in different parts of the world, and the impressive rise of AI will further impact our socioeconomic conditions,” he said.

“One feature of authoritarian populism is the need to have enemies and to have some social group to blame. As we have seen recently, the blame now is diversity—diversity has become the ‘cause of accidents.’”

A shift in culture has also contributed to the rise of authoritarian populism. Increasing liberal and progressive values in democracies have enabled significant progress in the rights of several marginalized communities—including women, Afro-descendants, LGBTQI communities, Indigenous communities, and people with disabilities. However, these advancements challenge the longstanding power structures in our societies, ultimately causing backlash. “These advancements diminished the power of traditional hegemonic sectors, and this is something we’ve seen in the United States,” said Justice Barroso. Now, stark divisions in societies, between regions, between urban and rural populations, and between globalists and nationalists have emerged.

“Societies these days are very divided. And now we increasingly see the search for scapegoats for major problems, from crime and unemployment to cultural transformations. These scapegoats include immigrants, the LGBTQI community, leftists, or any other social groups. One feature of authoritarian populism is the need to have enemies and to have some social group to blame. As we have seen recently, the blame now is diversity—diversity has become the ‘cause of accidents,’” said Justice Barroso.

The Consequences of Authoritarian Populism

Rising authoritarian populism has already led to severe consequences in all corners of the world, with deepening moral, political, and social implications that will likely impact us for years to come.

The loss of civility and the need to morally disqualify whoever disagrees with the authoritarian populist leader. 
“To disqualify the opponent is a permanent strategy in a world in which being civil means treating everyone with respect and concern, despite people having a different view of the world (which, of course, is legitimate),” said Justice Barroso.

The far-right, extremist view of the world capturing the conservative camp. 
Democracy, as a political structure, has room for different views of the worlds: for liberals, for progressives, and for conservatives. “But the problem with extremism is that it is not a political view. It is the intolerance of the ‘other,’” said Justice Barroso.

The political manipulation of people’s religion. 
“Authoritarian populism captures religious leaders to advance their purposes, and the rhetoric revolves around speaking derogatorily of their opponents who think differently than them,” said Justice Barroso.

The loss of truth and the use of social media to spread disinformation, misinformation, lies, and conspiracy theories. 
“Lying is not a decent way of living life. We need to make lying wrong again. Lying cannot be a legitimate strategy in life and in politics,” said Justice Barroso.

The major disregard for knowledge institutions. 
“This disdain is evident in the attacks on the press, universities, think tanks, and intellectuals in general. This is another page in the playbook of populism: they don’t like people who think and see what is actually going on,” said Justice Barroso.

The Path Forward

While the consequences seem stark, Justice Barroso presented a clear and necessary path forward in order to curtail the intensification of authoritarian populism worldwide.

“First, the courts alone are not capable of resisting authoritarian populism. There must be the participation of civil society, the press, and at least part of the political class in order to succeed,” he said.

“The world is facing a time of darkness, with more might and less right, more arrogance and less justice. These will be times of resistance and efforts to keep the lights on.”

“Second, democracy is currently experiencing a period of discreditation around the world. Many people no longer identify with the values that have brought us here: substantive freedom, equal opportunities, and dignity for all. Many others have not benefitted from these values. We must keep in mind that democracy has not fulfilled the promises it made,” he continued.

“Third, the world is facing a time of darkness, with more might and less right, more arrogance and less justice. These will be times of resistance and efforts to keep the lights on. History is not linear—it’s made up of advances and setbacks. But our role as citizens, as workers, and as intellectuals is to push history in the right direction. And the right direction is that of good justice and the inclusion of all,” concluded Justice Barroso. ■